Christianity Today has just published an article summarizing recent events in the case of Hobby Lobby vs. Obbink. The article, which contains some details from the most recent court documents, can be found here.
A number of people have notified me in recent days that attorneys for Hobby Lobby have requested a certificate of default in their case against Dirk Obbink, who has apparently not responded the summons served in September. A couple days ago, the court granted that certificate: “the default of defendant Dirk D. Obbink is hereby noted.” Thus, Prof. Obbink now owes Hobby Lobby $7 million USD. The updated docket is visible here (once again, I have not viewed the individual documents behind the paywall).
I think many of us hoped that a trial might bring to light further information on the whereabouts of the roughly 80 Oxyrhynchus papyri that still seem to be missing.
For readers of German, a helpful summary of the whole affair by Susanna Kinzig recently appeared in Die Zeit.
A few weeks ago, I wrote a post about the Faddan More Psalter, a parchment codex containing the Psalms in Latin that was found in an Irish bog in 2006. John Gillis noted in the comments that he has a book coming out on the Psalter very soon.
In my earlier post, I mentioned that “metallic inks can damage or destroy the parchment over time. But under the conditions of the bog, the ink of the Faddan More Psalter sometimes preserved the parchment, such that only the isolated letters survive while the surrounding uninscribed parchment has disintegrated.” The article has an incredible image of this “alphabet soup” phenomenon:
I’m very excited to see the forthcoming book, called The Faddan More Psalter, The Discovery and Conservation of a Medieval Treasure.
Having spent some time in my last post looking at P.Berol. inv. 11532 and its remarkable handwriting, I am reminded of a couple classic articles by formidable palaeographic experts. The first is a long and in depth study of this type of this type of script (sometimes called “the Alexandrian chancery script of Subatianus Aquila”) by Guglielmo Cavallo, “La scrittura del P. Berol. 11532: Contributo allo studio dello stile di cancelleria nei papiri greci di età romana” published in 1965 (not freely available online as far as I can tell, but purchasable for a not entirely unreasonable price here). Cavallo made a detailed description of the script and brought together several photographic plates containing many samples of similar writing.
The second article that was on my mind is a short but interesting piece by Eric Turner published in 1956. Turner drew attention to P.Ryl. I 59, small fragment of papyrus published by Arthur S. Hunt in 1911 (Hunt’s original publication can be viewed online here). The papyrus contains the opening words of Demosthenes, De corona copied six times in a hand that shares a number of features with that of P.Berol. inv. 11532.
Turner notes the similarities and differences as follows:
“Comparison of the Rylands fragment with [P.Berol. inv. 11532] shows the same exaggerated narrowness and tallness of letters like ο, θ, σ (while η, ν, and τ are allowed to remain fairly broad), a compression probably governed by the desire to keep all the letters within the limits of two generously spaced parallel lines and at the same time to make them fill the vertical distance between these lines. Again, in both examples, the pen has been allowed to rest for a moment at the instant of contact, forming oblique series or circlets in the Rylands text, hooks in that in Berlin. Two letters in the Rylands exercise have a form closer to that of bookhand than their counterparts in the Berlin order: α (which unlike the Berlin α remains firmly planted on the lower line and does not float to the surface of the upper line) has no loop or cross-bar and is strikingly like a contemporary Roman a; ε, if less elongated, could be paralleled from many an example of the so-called ‘severe’ style…”
Turner draws several lessons from this piece (his full article can be viewed online here), but I will emphasize just one: “The fact that a budding chancery scribe should practise by copying a line of Demosthenes seems to confirm that principle of the absence in the ancient world of a sharp division between bookhands and documentary hands.”
“On the recto, a document, almost wholly effaced; the few remaining traces are of writing in a practised upright official hand of the third century A.D., written with a very fine pen….It is probably the same scribe who has written on the verso (again with a fine pen) a hexameter line three times; the first in cramped, tall, upright letters of ‘chancery’ type; the second time in similar writing, but a little larger; and finally in large uncial letters, decorated with serifs; the Θ is of an archaic shape, with a central dot instead of a cross-bar.”
Pieces like these writing exercises serve as useful reminders that many ancient copyists were capable of writing in different styles, and many may have been proficient in copying different kinds of texts that included both documents and literary works.
In a series of earlier posts, I examined some of the vocabulary used to describe papyrus rolls, especially those deluxe literary rolls described by Latin poets. One additional feature of these rolls that is sometimes mentioned is a parchment cover. For example,
Tibullus [Lygdamus], Elegiae 3.1.9:
lutea sed niveum involvat membrana libellum
"But let yellow parchment wrap the snowy white roll"
What seems to be envisioned here is a protokollon (the first sheet in the roll) made of parchment that would serve as a cover by wrapping (involvere) the closed roll. I am not aware of surviving examples of this phenomenon for literary texts (I’m happy to be corrected in the comments if anyone knows of examples). But there appears to be a very nicely preserved example of this in the form of an official document of the prefect of Egypt, Subatianus Aquila copied in 209 CE, P.Berol.inv. 11532:
This document is quite short (it is fully preserved), which would explain the relatively small size of the parchment cover; the rolled up document would not produce a very thick cylinder. A longer literary roll would presumably have a correspondingly larger parchment cover.
The writing on the papyrus is inscribed along the horizontal fibers, but at the point at which the parchment is joined to the papyrus, a large proportion of the vertical fibers appear to be missing. It appears that they were missing when the parchment was originally attached to the papyrus (it would be hard to explain their loss otherwise, since the horizontal fibers would presumably have “protected” the vertical fibers beneath them). This seems curious to me:
This papyrus was published in 1910, and it is actually quite famous because of its striking handwriting–a neat upright chancery hand, sometimes called (with this papyrus as the paradigmatic example) the script of Subatianus Aquila. The papyrus is therefore reproduced with some frequency in handbooks, but the parchment strip is usually (or always?) cropped out. So, this interesting feature can go unnoticed.
It’s always nice to see an uncropped image (or better yet, the object itself!).
One of the most interesting manuscripts to come to light in recent years is the Faddan More Psalter, a parchment codex in a leather cover that contained the Psalms in Latin. It was discovered by a worker harvesting peat for fuel from a bog in central Ireland in 2006. The acidic environment of bogs, famous for preserving human bodies, also preserved parts of this codex in a remarkable way. I first crossed paths with this book several years ago during a visit to the archaeological branch of the National Museum of Ireland. I was just able to see it again this past weekend. It is a truly remarkable survival.
The codex did not look so great when it was first brought to the museum for conservation:
The leaves of the book are heavily damaged, and given the state of the codex when it was found, it’s incredible to see what the conservators were able to recover. Some footage of the conservation process can be seen in this video. A fuller discussion is available in a very nicely illustrated book (from which much of my discussion is drawn): Anthony Read, The Faddan More Psalter: Discovery, Conservation, and Investigation (National Museum of Ireland, 2011).
The book probably dates to the late eighth century (on the basis of combined palaeographic and radiocarbon evidence). It consisted of 30 bifolia arranged in five quires (presumably five three-sheet quires, although I have not found this information specified anywhere). The pages are relatively large (26 cm wide and 30 cm high). Only about 15% of the overall surface area of the leaves survive, but the structural elements can be reconstructed with some confidence. A segment of binding thread survives, as well as the leather cover inside which the parchment leaves were found. Subsequent excavation of the bog at the find site suggests that the book was deposited in the bog not long after it was produced.
There are some fascinating quirks of preservation. Metallic inks can damage or destroy the parchment over time. But under the conditions of the bog, the ink of the Faddan More Psalter sometimes preserved the parchment, such that only the isolated letters survive while the surrounding uninscribed parchment has disintegrated. This is the case in some of the lettering of the decorative opening line of Psalm 51, Quid g[loriatur]:
For a sense of how the book looked in its prime, the museum provides a very nice reconstruction of the book, opened to the beginning of Psalm 51.
The leather cover of the codex survived in relatively intact (after some diligent conservation work). It is a fairly simple construction–a rectangular length of leather (58 cm long and 33 cm high) folded around the codex and latched with three buttons. The cover is now on display wrapped around a filler block:
There are several puzzles connected to this cover. According to the experts who have examined the codex, the cover does not properly fit the surviving parchment leaves, in terms of both the dimensions of the leaves and the thickness of the quires. The cover would have first leaves with a width of about 22.5 cm and a height of about 33 cm. It also appears that the cover simply acted as a folder to protect the leaves, as the quires seem not to have been attached to it.
The exterior of the cover is incised all over with various decorative patterns executed with varying levels of skill.
A good deal of black pigment was found on the exterior of the cover. When analyzed, the pigment was found to be lamp black, but it also contained traces of gold leaf. The presence of gold leaf is a mystery, as gold leaf seems to not to have been used in Ireland in this period.
Perhaps the most surprising aspect of the cover was the discovery that it was lined with papyrus. These last two facts (the presence of gold leaf in the pigment on the cover and the presence of papyrus lining) have led researchers to conclude that the cover is an import. But, as the researchers also point out, the three-button cover is a type that appears to be illustrated in contemporary Irish manuscript illuminations:
So, the cover raises a number of questions: Was it produced in Ireland, or was it imported from elsewhere? If it was imported from elsewhere, is that also the case for other similar covers, such as those depicted in the contemporary illuminations?
A cursory search did not turn up too much academic bibliography on the Faddan More Psalter. If anyone has suggested reading, please add it to the comments.
An anonymous commenter links to the resource below, which appears to show some developments in the civil case against Professor Obbink. I have not accessed the documents in the linked here, as they are behind a paywall:
So, my writing about topics related to codicology will mostly take place on the project website. In the last couple days, I’ve posted there about the publication of an important new work (or perhaps I should say an important old work that is now finally available) on early bookbinding, Theodore Petersen’s Coptic Bookbindings.
Another post deals the question of “When is a Codex Not a Codex?” I take a look at an example of what we might call “ambiguous cases,” when a manuscript is classified as a codex even when there are characteristics of the manuscript that seem to resist that classification. Being aware of these ambiguities is important when we talk about numbers of surviving codices, especially in the very earliest period of the development of the technology of the codex.
For those interested in early codices, I encourage you to follow the EthiCodex blog or subscribe via the WordPress or email options at the bottom of those posts.
I’m excited to say that my colleague Liv Ingeborg Lied and I recently signed a contract with Yale University Press to co-author a book tentatively titled Working with Manuscripts: A Guide.
The goal of the book is to demystify manuscript studies by providing a step-by-step guide to the ethical and practical challenges associated with the study of premodern manuscripts.
Both of us benefitted from what might be described as a philological education. We learned languages, and we were trained in the traditional rules of exegeting ancient texts. Along the way, however, we both became increasingly interested in the physical manuscripts that carried these texts.
As our research carried us more deeply into the arena of manuscript studies–in my case mostly Greek manuscripts and in Liv Ingeborg’s case mostly Syriac manuscripts–we gained an awareness that studying actual manuscripts really did offer great rewards, but it also posed numerous unexpected challenges–from ethical questions about manuscript provenance to practical questions about accessing manuscripts and learning the unspoken rules of manuscript reading rooms. While our training prepared us to handle some of these obstacles, in many cases we had to learn new skills and seek out expert guidance.
It would have been ideal if there had been a “one-stop” book that could have helped us navigate these mazes, and this is the book we are writing. Working with Manuscripts will cover the whole research process, from considerations of provenance, ethics, and access to the practicalities of on-site research, analysis, and publication. We want to encourage students and scholars to work with manuscripts and at the same time help them to be aware of the necessary skills, customary processes, legal guidelines, and ethical issues that the study of manuscripts entails.
We hope Working with Manuscripts will be a useful resource and would be happy to have input about what issues readers might want to see raised in the book.
It is well known that a few of the best preserved Dead Sea Scrolls spent some time in the United States in the 1940s and 1950s. The Syrian Archbishop Mar Athanasius Yeshue Samuel brought four scrolls to the US in 1949: the Great Isaiah Scroll (1QIsaa), the Rule of the Community (1QS), the Habakkuk Pesher (1QpHab), and the Genesis Apocryphon (1QgenApoc). Mar Samuel took the scrolls on a publicity tour and then famously placed an ad in The Wall Street Journal (1 June 1954) in order to sell the scrolls. And he did sell them (unwittingly) to the state of Israel, through Yigael Yadin, who saw to their return to Jerusalem.
It is less widely known that Mar Samuel retained a few fragments of scrolls for himself. He is said to have acquired these small pieces on a different occasion, perhaps around July or August of 1948, (allegedly) through the illicit excavations of George Isha’ya. Most of the fragments were mashed together in a clump and stored in a cigarette box. The clump was disassembled and the fragments photographed by John Trever at Yale University in February of 1949. When Mar Samuel died, these fragments passed into the care of the Syrian Orthodox Church in New Jersey. In 2009, these fragments were photographed by the West Semitic Research Project. In connection with my work on the scrolls usually associated with Qumran Cave 1, I wanted to check on the status of these fragments to make sure they were still in New Jersey (since it was in 2009 and 2010 that sales of “Dead-Sea-Scroll-like-fragments” really began to intensify, when Hobby Lobby and other institutions were buying them up). Unfortunately, I was never able to get a response from officials at the church despite several attempts at communication.
But I recently came across a decade-old article in The Jewish Standard, “From Qumran to Teaneck,” that discusses these fragments and even provides a nice picture of one of them:
This is one part of a group of fragments known as 1Q34bis, a fragmentary scroll containing what is usually called a liturgical prayer. If we place this image next to one of the images taken by John Trever when he first separated this fragment from the clump, it appears that a piece bearing the letters שמח in the upper left corner has been lost (or is no longer framed together with these fragments):
This kind of deterioration is always a possibility with manuscripts copied on ancient animal hides, especially those that have at some point been exposed to moisture.
This particular part of 1Q34bis is one of the more intriguing pieces among Mar Samuel’s fragments. It actually seems to join to one of the fragments excavated by de Vaux and his team from Cave 1, 1Q34:
This fact has been taken as evidence that the whole clump, and indeed all of Mar Samuel’s loose fragments, must have come from Cave 1. Trever, who had the advantage of examining the clump before separation, had no doubt that the fragments had been in such a clump since antiquity, and he even offered a surprisingly detailed story of how they came to be in just such an arrangement:
“With the Roman antipathy toward the Jews and the latter’s devotion to sacred writings, it is not difficult to imagine some Roman soldier ripping apart some scrolls found in the Community Center during the attack (or perhaps snatching some scrolls from a member of the community as he sought to flee with them to a place of safety). Once torn apart, these pieces appear to have been cast down and deliberately trampled upon. Seeing such desecration, some member of the community may have gathered up the trampled fragments and succeeded in carrying them to the cave for a hasty deposit.”
Such an origin is, of course, possible, but the theory is not without problems. For instance, one of the fragments of the book of Daniel extracted from the clump, 1QDana (=1Q71) seemed to Trever to be copied in a script that suggested a rather late date, “perhaps as late as A.D. 60,” which is considerably later than the dates assigned to most other material from Cave 1. The most recent editors of this fragment have gone further, concluding that “the late palaeographical features of 1QDana would be more readily understood if this scroll belonged to a post-70 deposit” (Torleif Elgvin and Årstein Justnes in Gleanings from the Caves, p. 250). Another way of describing this situation would be to say that, in terms of its estimated age, 1Q71 doesn’t really fit the profile of the items that archaeologists excavated from Cave 1. I wonder how confident we can be that all the parts of this clump had been together since antiquity. Might some of the fragments have simply been crushed together due to rough handling in 1948? How sure are we that the contents of Mar Samuel’s cigarette box represent the results of a single trip to a single location? I am reminded of the way Trever introduced his edition of these fragments. His parenthetical question really seems quite important.
“Not long after July 18, 1948, the beginning of the second truce in the Arab-Jewish conflict of 1948, Cave I was again visited by George Isha’ya who picked up some (or all?) of these fragments and delivered them to the Syrian Metropolitan of St. Mark’s Monastery.”
The Dead Sea Scrolls of New Jersey still present some puzzles.